Ross Metler

Agree

Title X's abortion ban hasn't changed since 1970, but enforcement rigor swings by executive rule, not statute. Grants fund institutions, not line-item procedures, and money is fungible. A clean audit can't erase that. Government routinely outsources its agenda this way (see the Pentagon's OCO "slush fund," legal on paper, a workaround in practice). If a dollar shouldn't fund a procedure, that has to hold at the institutional level. This is a question of accountability.

My view: legal through viability, with exceptions after for the mother's life, severe fetal anomaly, rape, and incest. Adoption should stay a supported option, not a substitute for the mother's decision. Government shouldn't compel a woman to risk her life to complete a pregnancy. That said, this is a personal view, not an agenda. Colorado voters settled this constitutionally in 2024 (Amendment 79), and I won't work to change it.

Neutral

I believe life matters from the start and deserves moral weight, not government indifference. But legal protection means state coercion, and that isn't government's role on either end of life. On abortion: I'd support real limits (viability, with narrow exceptions), but the deepest decisions belong to the person living them, not the state. On end-of-life: adults facing terminal illness should have the right to choose, without government funding or discouraging it.

Disagree

I believe embryonic life has moral weight, but "legal protection" means state mandate, and that's not government's role in family medical decisions. Alabama proved this in 2024: courts ruled frozen embryos are protected persons, and IVF clinics immediately shut down rather than risk liability for standard embryo screening. Families lost access to fertility care until the legislature reversed course. Government's job is to support families, not dictate their reproductive choices.

Strongly Disagree

The Comstock Act is 1873 law, revived through executive reinterpretation, not new legislation. Enforced as written, it would not stop at state lines. It would override states like Colorado that legalized abortion, using a federal mail statute alone. That is not federalism, it is a national ban by executive fiat. Banning an item because some states restrict it does not kill demand. It creates a black market and hands the trade to whoever ignores the law.

State minimum wage is constitutionally locked, no legislative vote. I support local control (HB19-1210): cities can set their own wage. I'd argue against pricing out entry-level workers locally, but that's their call, not the state's.

Strongly Agree

I am a Libertarian, after all.

1) End subsidies like data center tax breaks unless tied to enforceable clawbacks for missed job promises. 2) Require competitive bidding and public disclosure on surveillance and technology contracts. 3) Enforce Colorado's sunset review process honestly, so unneeded boards and programs actually end instead of auto-renewing. 4) Require real-time, line-item spending transparency instead of stale annual reports.

The phrase isn't in the Constitution, it comes from an 1802 Jefferson letter, though courts have treated it as central to the Establishment Clause for over a century. To me it means government can't establish or fund a religion, and under the Free Exercise Clause, can't legislate against your beliefs either. I appreciate the moral traditions the country was founded upon and don't think government should be in the business of enforcing or excluding any of them.

Strongly Disagree

Two Colorado cases reached the Supreme Court on this in the past decade: Masterpiece Cakeshop (2018) and 303 Creative (2023), both siding against compelled participation. It's a negative rights question. I have a right not to be prohibited from running my business. I don't have a right to demand someone else's labor or creative work. 303 Creative specifically protects expressive work from compelled speech. That's the real boundary: conscience over compulsion, not a blank check to refuse service.

Cash-pay patients often get lower prices than insurance, because providers rarely know true costs until a third party negotiates rates behind closed doors. More payers means more opacity, not less. Adding another taxpayer-funded program on top of that system won't fix it, it will add another layer to it. Medicaid and Medicare should stay for those who depend on them. The real fix is transparent, direct pricing, not a bigger version of the system that broke pricing in the first place.

Strongly Disagree

Absolutely not. Once government tracks individuals by diagnosis "to assess economic burden," you've built the exact incentive structure you don't want: a registry that quantifies which patients cost the most to keep alive. Even framed as help, that data doesn't stay benign forever. Play it forward far enough and cost-based treatment rationing isn't a conspiracy theory, it's just where the incentives point. The state shouldn't hold a ledger on anyone's illness. Full stop.

Strongly Agree

Agree without reservation. DOD, DNI, and FBI assessments consistently name China across all four categories: military buildup in the Pacific, cyberattacks on US infrastructure (Volt Typhoon, Salt Typhoon), systematic IP theft, and economic coercion. TikTok is the clearest domestic example: an app controlled by a foreign adversary shaping what 170 million Americans see, until Congress and a unanimous Supreme Court forced divestiture. You don't need to guess at motive. The structural risk alone wa

The relationship matters, but I favor less permanent entanglement, not more. The FY2027 NDAA includes Section 219, creating a standing Pentagon office to coordinate defense technology cooperation with Israel — not a "merger" as some claim, but a structure that locks this cooperation into law rather than the normal annual appropriations process Congress uses to revisit every other partnership. That makes it harder for any future Congress to scale back, regardless of shifting public opinion. Reps.

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